The People of Nazca
The Nazca culture flourished in the Nazca region between 300 BC and 800 AD. They created the famous Nazca lines and built an impressive system of underground aqueducts that still function today. Near the aqueducts open to tourists, there is an overlook point which includes an Inca building added after the Inca conquest of the area. On the Pampa, on which the Nazca lines were made, the ceremonial city of Cahuachi (1-500 AD) sits overlooking the lines. Modern knowledge about the culture of the Nazca is built upon studying the city of Cahuachi.
The Nazca people practiced intensive agriculture in an area characterized by unpredictable events of nature such as frequent droughts, earthquakes and flash floods. The need for water affected the Nazca’s entire life including playing a major role in the formation and practice of their religion. When water was plentiful they planted and harvested corn, common and lima beans and potatoes. They also grew non-eatable plants such as cotton, cane, totorea reeds and gourds. When water was scarce the people of Nazca gave offerings to the water gods and prayed for rain to allow for abundant crops and sustenance. (Strong, 1957)
The People of Nazca’s physical appearance, including clothing and ornaments can be reconstructed from ancient pottery and from the bodies and artifacts found in their tombs. The males fell into two major categories: farmers and warriors. Early Nazca farmers are depicted either holding plants or agricultural digging sticks in their hands. These individuals wore minimal clothing, often only a loin cloth and a distinctive cap with the flap extending down over the back of the neck. Used to shield and protect from the hot dessert climate of southern Peru. Warriors from the major category of male representations shown in Nazca ceramic art are almost always shown in a frontal, full-face manner displaying facial painting and holding weapons. These men are more elaborately clothed than the farmers, wearing a tunic on the upper body along with the traditional loin cloth. Headdresses range from simple slings wound around the head in a turban-like manner to more standardized caps containing bones, shells and feathers.
Nazca women are absent from artistic depictions until much later when they suddenly become a major theme. Women wore their hair longer than men and are always shown with long tresses hanging midway down the back while in the front the hair frames the face. The main article of clothing worn by women is an ankle length mantle most often shown as wrapped around the body, sometimes fastened with a pin. The main difference between male and female tunics is the length. There are few ideas as to women’s activities in society. There are several depictions of child birth. Erotic scenes are also present in the art, but are quite rare. There are also few depictions of women carrying loads on their backs, leading llamas by ropes and either cooking or preparing food in a group. There are no family groups seen in the art renditions, no children, nor are there shown any activities such as weaving, or ceramics. The art tells nothing of women’s role in agricultural activities. Although few women are shown with face painting, the majority are not. Males however, displayed a wide variety of painted facial designs especially among the warriors. Women however did display large varieties of tattoos on their arms, thighs and buttocks and surrounding genital area. Most of these tattoos contain supernatural themes such as killer whales, rayed faces, ECT. Actual tattoos have been preserved on the arms of mummified bodies found in Nazca tombs. Men also sported facial hair in the form of mustaches and small goatees. Both sexes wore earrings, square or rectangular in shape, perhaps made of shells or nuts, attached to the earlobes with string. Men also wore necklaces composed of shells. Skull deformation was a common practice among the Anzac as an indication of rank. The most common variety was occipital and frontal flattening produced by binding the head of an infant Shorty after birth. This resulted in an elongated “loaf shaped” head that has been found in burials or reflected in Nazca art and figurines. (Doering, 1936)
The perception of the political organization of the Nazca people has remained over the past few decades. It was once believed that the Nazca controlled a primitive state level society with a strong central government centered at the large site of Cahuachi. There has been a large concentration of pottery found in peripheral valleys at sites such as Tambo Viejo in Acari and Tambo Colorado in Pisco. This has led archeologists and anthropologists to believe that more than likely the Nazca political empire consisted of a number of local tribes united by a common religion and symbolic system. Although archaeological evidence is still being evaluated, regional centers of power were likely located throughout the Nazca drainage. From time to time there may have been a concentration of local tribes into larger integrations, but the idea of a single central government has since been abolished. (Doering, 1936)
Nazca religion is based on the belief that man and nature are related in an active, sacred relationship. This view includes the belief in supernatural forces present in nature which control the resources and have a direct affect on men’s lives. These spiritual forces were often symbolized in Nazca art as images of mythical creatures composed of the elements of the most powerful creatures of the sky, the earth, and the oceans. The greatest concerns of the Nazca people were providing sufficient food for sustenance and having a predictable supply of water in the dry, barren desert environment. At the same time the Nazca were at the clemency of natural elements such as drought, earthquakes, flash floods, and agricultural pests. Their spiritual lives centered around attempts to understand and control these forces. (Strong, 1957)
Shamans, rather than priests, were the leaders in Nazca rituals. Shamans were the negotiators between the spirit and everyday worlds. Hallucinogenic drugs were often used in ancient Peruvian societies. They invoked the power of the gods and allowed the shaman to function between the two worlds as a mediator. They also heightened the shaman’s power. The most likely source of hallucinogens was the San Pedro Cactus. The ceremonies of the san Pedro cactus, in the Andean regions, are sometimes also done around a fire, with singing; but sometimes the curandero sets up an altar, on which are placed different symbolic figurines and objects, representing the light and dark spirits which one is likely to encounter. Mescaline can be extracted from the San Pedro cactus by boiling sections cut from this plant. Although no preserved remains of either the cacti or the brew have been found in Nazca burial sites, the rituals are well documented in the representations found on pottery showing people drinking cups containing a liquid obtained from storage jars clearly associated with those used in cacti rituals.
There are several different depictions of shaman in Nazca art from a semi-nude male playing a variety of musical instruments usually pan pipes and holding a clay trumpet in his hands. Between his legs can be found a ceramic jar in the form of a drum, but could also represent the cup containing hallucinogenic brew to the shaman wearing a “figure eight” turban and falcon markings painted around his eyes. On his chest is painted a San Pedro cactus which plays an essential role in the conduction and rite of the ceremonies. Other illustrations of shamans show males dressed in various elements of ritual attire, animal skin capes, gold mouth masks and forehead ornaments, gold bangles and hair ornaments and human trophy heads. The ritual taking of the Trophy Heads were an important aspect of Nazca religion. This is assumed because of how pervasive the trophy heads are in ceramic artwork. These trophy heads are soon with individuals that are closely linked with mythical beings, and scenes of warfare and rituals. The bloodshed, decapitation, and group burials are closely linked to agriculture fertility and regeneration. Examples of this are when the heads are depicted with plants growing from their mouths. “Nazca people appear to have visualized continuity between sacrifice and death, the burial of human trophy heads, and the regeneration of agricultural plants. Human trophy heads were not only the most sacred offering made to the nature spirits, but were integral part of their world view". (Donald A. Proulx)
The shedding of blood and especially the removal and group burial of the heads of enemies was closely linked to agricultural fertility and regeneration into the Nazca culture. Severed human heads are often drawn with plants growing from the mouth showing rebirth and the continuation of life. The Nazca people understood a common bond between sacrifice and death, the burial of human trophy heads were not only the most sacred offering made to the nature spirits, they were often, it is believed a self sacrifice of those willing to give up their head so the rest of civilization might thrive. Major Nazca rituals centered around planting, harvesting, and preparation to go into battle. As well as to celebrate primary rites of passage such as birth, adolescence, marriage and death.
The Nazca had no temples and there were no single central buildings that served as a common place of worship by the people. The people of Nazca were attracted to sacred landscapes or locations where there was a concentration of spiritual forces known in the Andes as luiaca. Other sacred Anzac places included the large mountain known as Cerro Blanco overlooking the upper Tierras Blancos valley near the town of Anzac. Local legends associate Cerro Blanco with water. (Silverman, 1995)
The Nazca buried their dead in pits dug into the sandy cliffs or in the hills encompassing the river valleys. These graves average six to ten feet in depth and could be either square or round cross section. The dead were buried in a seated position, knees flexed against the chest, with the body dressed in typical clothing with additional cloths wrapped around the bundle. Small children were sometimes buried in large pottery within a larger grave but most graves only contained a single body and often also contained items such as pottery. Vessels (often as offerings), sewing kits, weapons, and other items for everyday use. The graves were roofed over with wood beams which were then covered with small fieldstones or adobe bricks. The graves contained no markers to indicate the location of the burial. (Strong, 1957)
The Nazca are mostly well known for the Nazca lines. The Lines are drawings on the ground often referred to as ‘geoglyphs’ which are positioned in the Nazca Desert, a high waterless plateau that spreads across hundreds of miles amidst the towns of Nazca and Palpa on the Pampa, a huge flat region of southern Peru. They were originally detected by chance during an airplane in flight in 1927. There are hundreds of distinctive figures, ranging in intricacy from modest lines to stylized lizards, giant spiders, fish, orcas, and the now infamous hummingbird and even llamas in the lines. (Strong, 1957)
These important Nazca markings were formulated in the period of the Nazca Indians, who thrived in the region from 200 BC to about 600. The lines were made by removing the red-brown iron oxide covered stones which cover the terrain of the Nazca desert. When the gravel is taken away, the lines contrast severely with the light colored earth underneath. The total expanse encompassing the lines is almost 190 square miles, with the greatest illustrations measuring 886 feet. The Nazca desert is one of the driest on the Planet with only a few millimeters of rainfall in a five year period and maintains a temperature close to 25°C (77°F) all year round, and the absence of any discernable wind has assisted in the preservation of the lines to the present day. (Silverman, 1995)
The majority opinion of archeologists, and scientists, however, is the lines were produced by the Nazca people themselves, lacking help from extraterrestrial visitors or aerial views and are conceived to be ritual pathways, designed to be walked upon and to lead processions to places where worships for more water would be most productive. It is practically certain that the lines had a spiritual purpose, considering that other artifacts of the Nazca civilization indicate a preoccupation with death and additional major monuments of the ancient world are known to be ritual in nature and no credible realistic resolution has nevertheless yet been unearthed. (Silverman, 1995)
The most troubling of issues in relation to the lines is of course the location of the creations in relation to the individuals whom constructed them. Clearly, the creators would not have been in a position to view the huge drawings from the flat arid terrain and yet produced some stunning drawings accurately and without assistance from geometrical tools. One individual has contested that the Nasca's managed to construct a make shift hot air balloon and using materials available at the time managed to build such an vehicle sufficient to carry himself high above the drawings. This demonstrated that perhaps these mystical drawings were indeed meant to be viewed from above. (Society for Science & the Public, 1954)
Still others believe the Lines are sacred paths to walk by specific rites. But primary the lines was an offering for elders, heaven- and mountain-deities who spent water for fields. Several balloonists and historians have postulated that the Nazca Indians of Peru could have used hot air balloon technology to aid them in building the famous
Nazca line drawings. Using only technology available to the Nazcas of the 6th century, two balloonists built an enormous balloon capable of flight. While no evidence has been uncovered to suggest that the Nazca people did fly in balloons, the test demonstrated that it was certainly possible. There are still others who believe they are landing strips for visitors from another planet. That they were created by alien beings. There is not enough scientific proof or knowledge to determine why or how the lines came to be. But there are a lot of theories. (Society for Science & the Public, 1954)
Although the ancient Nazca civilization was completely wiped from existence there are many places in Peru that still hold some of the beliefs. In communities that maintain strong native cultural traditions, Roman Catholicism is methodically mixed with aspects of Nazca beliefs and practices. The native populations hold firm animistic assumptions about the spirits and forces found in natural settings, such as the great snow peaks where the apus (lords of scared places) dwell. Many places are seen as naturally dangerous, emanating airsor essence that can cause illness, and that should be approached with great care. The modern day Nazca when converting people to Catholicism, follow a deliberate strategy of traditions that were used throughout the Americas. This process thought to substitute Christian saints for local deities. Often using existing sacred sites as the location for churches. Many of the biblical lessons and stories were conveyed through reenactments of those events at ancient rituals that permitted people to memorize the tales and participate in the telling. Many annual calendar celebrations coincide with the important harvest periods and are clearly reinterpretations of previous observances disguised as Catholic feast days. There are still elaborate rites to promote the fertility of their llama and alpacia herds. In other communities religious rituals that evoke natural and spiritual forces require monetary sacrifices. The spilling of alcohol on sacred ground, or the burning of coca and other ritual items to please the deities. There has also been the introduction of blood sports such as bullfighting, bull baiting, and games of horsemanship in which riders riding at full gallop attempt to wring the necks of fowl or condors. Many ancient religious practices have conformed to the socicultural divisions of society in Peru. The importance of these events is considerable because they evoke outpourings of devotion and emotional expressions of belief, while giving opportunity for spiritual renewal. They also function to tie the population together in their common belief and allegiance to the immortal figure of the saint therefore helps develop important bonding mechanisms for families and neighborhoods. (Strong, 1957)
Since about the year 1970, the Protestant church has been winning converts in Peru at an alarming rate among the urban poor and in certain Indian populations. Yet Peruvians in the Andes areas have not been as receptive as they continue to hold fast to their ancient religious ways that to some are too deeply ingrained. (Doering, 1936)
Work Cited
Paracas, Nazca, and Tiahuanacoid Cultural Relationships in South Coastal Peru
William Duncan Strong
Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology
No. 13, Paracas, Nazca, and Tiahuanacoid Cultural Relationships in South Coastal Peru (1957), pp. 1-48
Published by: Society for American Archaeology
153. Ancient Peruvian Cemeteries of the Nazca Region
H. U. Doering
Man
Vol. 36, (Jul., 1936), p. 115
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Human Heads as Trophies
The Science News-Letter
Vol. 65, No. 21 (May 22, 1954), p. 327
Published by: Society for Science & the Public
Review: Rites of Revitalization
Helaine Silverman
Reviewed work(s): Tombs for the Living. Andean Mortuary Practices. By Tom D. Dillehay
Science
New Series, Vol. 268, No. 5214 (May 26, 1995), pp. 1215-1217
Published by: American Association for the Advancement of Science